Statistics

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PREVALENCE

Domestic violence crosses ethnic, racial, age, national origin, sexual orientation, religious and socioeconomic lines.

• by the most conservative estimate, each year 1 million women suffer nonfatal violence by an intimate.
  Bureau of Justice Statistics Special Report: Violence Against Women: Estimates from the Redesigned Survey (NCJ-154348), August 1995, p. 3.
• by other estimates, 4 million American women experience a serious assault by an intimate partner during an average 12-month period.
  American Psychl. Ass'n, Violence and the Family: Report of the American Psychological Association Presidential Task Force on Violence and the Family (1996), p. 10.
• nearly 1 in 3 adult women experience at least one physical assault by a partner during adulthood.
  American Psychl. Ass'n, Violence and the Family: Report of the American Psychological Association Presidential Task Force on Violence and the Family (1996), p. 10.
• 28% of all annual violence against women is perpetrated by intimates.
  Bureau of Justice Statistics Special Report: National Crime Victimization Survey, Violence Against Women (NCJ-145325), January 1994.
• 5% of all annual violence against men is perpetrated by intimates.
  Bureau of Justice Statistics Special Report: National Crime Victimization Survey, Violence Against Women (NCJ-145325), January 1994.
• during 1994, 21% of all violent victimizations against women were committed by an intimate, but only 4% of violent victimizations against men were committed by an intimate.
  Bureau of Justice Statistics Special Report: Sex Differences in Violent Victimization, 1994 (NCJ-164508), September, 1997, pp. 1-3.
• in 1993, approximately 575,000 men were arrested for committing violence against women. approximately 49,000 women were arrested for committing violence against men.
  American Psychl. Ass'n, Violence and the Family: Report of the American Psychological Association Presidential Task Force on Violence and the Family (1996), p. 10.

RACE

Race is not indicative of who is at risk of domestic violence.

• domestic violence is statistically consistent across racial and ethnic boundaries.
  Bureau of Justice Statistics Special Report: Violence Against Women: Estimates from the Redesigned Survey (NCJ-154348), August 1995, p. 3.

AGE

Batterers and victims may experience domestic violence at any age.

• women ages 19-29 reported more violence by intimates than any other age group.
  Bureau of Justice Statistics Special Report: Violence Against Women: Estimates from the Redesigned Survey (NCJ-154348), August 1995, p. 4.
• women aged 46 or older are least likely to be battered by an intimate.
  Bureau of Justice Statistics Special Report: Violence Against Women: Estimates from the Redesigned Survey (NCJ-154348), August 1995, p. 4.
• in a 1990 restraining order study, the age of abusers ranged from 17 - 70. two-thirds of the abusers were between the ages 24 and 40.
  Buzawa & Buzawa ed., Do Arrests and Restraining Orders Work? (1996), p.195.

GENDER

An overwhelming majority of domestic violence victims in heterosexual relationships are women.

• 90 - 95% of domestic violence victims are women.
  Bureau of Justice Statistics Selected Findings: Violence Between Intimates (NCJ-149259), November 1994.
• as many as 95% of domestic violence perpetrators are male.
  A Report of the Violence against Women Research Strategic Planning Workshop sponsored by the National Institute of Justice in cooperation with the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 1995.
• much of female violence is committed in self-defense, and inflicts less injury than male violence.
  Chalk & King, eds., Violence in Families: Assessing Prevention & Treatment Programs, National Resource Council and Institute of Medicine, p. 42 (1998).
• during 1992-1993, women were 6 times more likely to experience violence by an intimate partner than men.
  Bureau of Justice Statistics Special Report: Violence Against Women: Estimates from the Redesigned Survey (NCJ-154348), August 1995, p. 1.
• the chance of being victimized by an intimate is 10 times greater for a woman than a man.
  Bureau of Justice Statistics Special Report: National Crime Victimization Survey, Violence Against Women, 1994.
• 70% of intimate homicide victims are female.
  Bureau of Justice Statistics Selected Findings: Violence Between Intimates (NCJ-149259), November 1994.
• male perpetrators are 4 times more likely to use lethal violence than females.
  Florida Governor's Task Force on Domestic and Sexual Violence, Florida Mortality Review Project, 1997, p.44, table 7.

SAME-SEX BATTERING

Domestic violence occurs within same-sex relationships with the same statistical frequency as in heterosexual relationships.

• the prevalence of domestic violence among Gay and Lesbian couples is approximately 25 - 33%.
  Barnes, It's Just a Quarrel', American Bar Association Journal, February 1998, p. 25.
• battering among Lesbians crosses age, race, class, lifestyle and socio-economic lines.
  Lobel, ed., Naming the Violence: Speaking Out About Lesbian Battering, 183 (1986).
• each year, between 50,000 and 100,000 Lesbian women and as many as 500,000 Gay men are battered.
  Murphy, Queer Justice: Equal Protection for Victims of Same-Sex Domestic Violence, 30 Val. U. L. Rev. 335 (1995).
• while same-sex battering mirrors heterosexual battering both in type and prevalence, its victims receive fewer protections.
  Barnes, It's Just a Quarrel', American Bar Association Journal, February 1998, p. 24.
• seven states define domestic violence in a way that excludes same-sex victims; 21 states have sodomy laws that may require same-sex victims to confess to a crime in order to prove they are in a domestic relationship.
  Barnes, It's Just a Quarrel', American Bar Association Journal, February 1998, p. 24.
• many battered Gays or Lesbians fight back to defend themselves - it is a myth that same-sex battering is mutual.
  Murphy, Queer Justice: Equal Protection for Victims of Same-Sex Domestic Violence, 30 Val. U. L. Rev. 335 (1995).
• by 1994, there were over 1,500 shelters and safe houses for battered women. many of these shelters routinely deny their services to victims of same-sex battering.
  Murphy, Queer Justice: Equal Protection for Victims of Same-Sex Domestic Violence, 30 Val. U. L. Rev. 335 (1995).
• same-sex batterers use forms of abuse similar to those of heterosexual batterers. they have an additional weapon in the threat of "outing" their partner to family, friends, employers or community.
  Lundy, Abuse That Dare Not Speak Its Name: Assisting Victims of Lesbian and Gay Domestic Violence in Massachusetts, 28 New Eng. L. Rev. 273 (Winter 1993).

BATTERED IMMIGRANT WOMEN

Battered immigrant women face unique legal, social and economic problems.

• domestic violence is thought to be more prevalent among immigrant women than among U.S. citizens.
  Anderson, A License to Abuse: The Impact of Conditional Status on Female Immigrants, 102 Yale L. J. 1401 (April 1993).
• immigrant women may suffer higher rates of battering than U.S. citizens because they come from cultures which accept domestic violence, or because they have less access to legal and social services than U.S. citizens. in addition, immigrant batterers and victims may believe that the penalties and protections of the U.S. legal system do not apply to them.
  Orloff et al., With No Place to Turn: Improving Advocacy for Battered Immigrant Women, Family Law Quarterly, vol. 29, no. 2, 313 (Summer 1995).
• a battered woman who is not a legal resident, or whose immigration status depends on her partner, is isolated by cultural dynamics which may prevent her from leaving her husband or seeking assistance from the legal system. these factors contribute to the higher incidence of abuse among immigrant women.
  Orloff et al., With No Place to Turn: Improving Advocacy for Battered Immigrant Women, Family Law Quarterly, vol. 29, no. 2, 313 (Summer 1995).
• some obstacles faced by battered immigrant women include: a distrust of the legal system arising from their experiences with the system in their native countries; cultural and language barriers; and fear of deportation.
  Orloff et al., With No Place to Turn: Improving Advocacy for Battered Immigrant Women, Family Law Quarterly, vol. 29, no. 2, 313 (Summer 1995).
• a battered immigrant woman may not understand that she can personally tell her story in court, or that a judge will believe her. based on her experience in her native country, she may believe that only those who are wealthy or have ties to the government will prevail in court. batterers often manipulate these beliefs by convincing the victim he will prevail in court because he is a male, a citizen or that he has more money.
  Orloff et al., With No Place to Turn: Improving Advocacy for Battered Immigrant Women, Family Law Quarterly, vol. 29, no. 2, 313 (Summer 1995).
• although a victim may be in the country legally by virtue of her marriage to the batterer, their status may be conditional; in this situation it is common for a batterer to exert his control over his wife's immigration status in order to force her to remain in the relationship.
  Jang, Caught in a Web: Immigrant Women and Domestic Violence, National Clearinghouse (Special Issue 1994), p. 400.
• undocumented women may be reported to Immigration and Naturalization Services by law enforcement or social services personnel from whom they may seek assistance.
  Jang, Caught in a Web: Immigrant Women and Domestic Violence, National Clearinghouse (Special Issue 1994), p. 397-399.
• a battered immigrant woman is often trapped in an abusive relationship by economics. she may have legal or practical impediments to obtaining employment or public assistance.
  Jang, Caught in a Web: Immigrant Women and Domestic Violence, National Clearinghouse (Special Issue 1994), p. 403.
• batterered immigrant women who attempt to flee may have no access to bilingual shelters, financial assistance or food. it is unlikely that she will have the assistance of a certified interpreter in court, when reporting complaints to police or a 911 operator, or even in acquiring information about her rights and the legal system.
  Orloff et al., With No Place to Turn: Improving Advocacy for Battered Immigrant Women, Family Law Quarterly, vol. 29, no. 2, 313 (Summer 1995).

WELFARE RECIPIENTS

Domestic violence may affect a woman's ability to financially support herself and her children.

• past and current victims of domestic violence are over-represented in the welfare population. the majority of welfare recipients have experienced domestic abuse in their adult lives, and a high percentage are currently abused.
  Raphael & Tolman, Trapped by Poverty, Trapped by Abuse: New Evidence Documenting the Relationship Between Domestic Violence and Welfare , p. 20 (1997).
• abused (past or current) welfare recipients experience higher levels of health or mental health problems such as a physical disability, or serious or acute depression.
  Raphael & Tolman, Trapped by Poverty, Trapped by Abuse: New Evidence Documenting the Relationship Between Domestic Violence and Welfare, p. 21 (1997).
• 15 - 50% of abused women report interference from their partner with education, training or work.
  Raphael & Tolman, Trapped by Poverty, Trapped by Abuse: New Evidence Documenting the Relationship Between Domestic Violence and Welfare, p. 22 (1997).
• welfare studies show that abused women do seek employment, but are unable to maintain it. it is possible that domestic violence presents a barrier to sustained labor market participation.
  Raphael & Tolman, Trapped by Poverty, Trapped by Abuse: New Evidence Documenting the Relationship Between Domestic Violence and Welfare, p. 22 (1997).
• examples of abusers' sabotage of their victims' attempts to work include: calling her employer and ordering the victim to quit; making allegations requiring the victim to appear before the police, court or social services; threatening to kill the victim; committing suicide in front of the victim; sabotaging the victim's car; beating her up on the way to an interview; stealing her work uniforms; starting fights each day before school or work; breaking the victim's writing arm repeatedly; manipulating her schedule by demanding visitation with the children; stalking; starting fights or threatening abuse which affects her ability to concentrate at work; or encouraging continued drug addition.
  Raphael & Tolman, Trapped by Poverty, Trapped by Abuse: New Evidence Documenting the Relationship Between Domestic Violence and Welfare, pp. 10-14 (1997).
• between one- and two-thirds of welfare recipients reported having suffered domestic violence at some point in their adult lives; between 15 - 32% reported current domestic victimization.
  Raphael & Tolman, Trapped by Poverty, Trapped by Abuse: New Evidence Documenting the Relationship Between Domestic Violence and Welfare, p. 21 (1997).

RECIDIVISM

Battering tends to be a pattern of violence rather than a one-time occurrence.

• during the six months following an episode of domestic violence, 32% of battered women are victimized again.
  Bureau of Justice Statistics: Preventing Domestic Violence Against Women, 1986.
• 47% of men who beat their wives do so at least 3 times per year.
  AMA Diagnostic & Treatment Guidelines on Domestic Violence, SEC: 94-677:3M:9/94 (1994).
• short term (6-12 week) psycho-educational batterer-intervention programs helped some batterers stop immediate physical violence but were inadequate in stopping abuse over time. some batterers became more sophisticated in their psychological abuse and intimidation after attending such programs.
  American Psychl. Ass'n, Violence and the Family: Report of the American Psychological Association Presidential Task Force on Violence and the Family (1996), p. 85.
• six months after obtaining a protection order: 8% of victims reported post-order physical abuse; 26% reported respondent came to or called their home or workplace; 65% reported no further problems.
  CPOs: the Benefits and Limitations for Victims of Domestic Violence, National Center for State Courts Research Report, 1997.

CHILDREN

Domestic violence has immediate and long term detrimental effects on children.

• each year, an estimated 3.3 million children are exposed to violence by family members against their mothers or female caretakers.
  American Psychl. Ass'n, Violence and the Family: Report of the American Psychological Association Presidential Task Force on Violence and the Family (1996), p. 11.
• in homes where partner abuse occurs, children are 1,500 times more likely to be abused.
  Department of Justice, Bureau of Justice Assistance, Family Violence: Interventions for the Justice System, 1993.
• 40-60% of men who abuse women also abuse children.
  American Psychl. Ass'n, Violence and the Family: Report of the American Psychological Association Presidential Task Force on Violence and the Family (1996), p. 80.
• fathers who batter mothers are 2 times more likely to seek sole physical custody of their children than are non-violent fathers.
  American Psychl. Ass'n, Violence and the Family: Report of the American Psychological Association Presidential Task Force on Violence and the Family (1996), p. 40.
• in one study, 27% of domestic homicide victims were children.
  Florida Governor's Task Force on Domestic and Sexual Violence, Florida Mortality Review Project, 1997, p. 45, table 11.
• when children are killed during a domestic dispute, 90% are under age 10; 56% are under age 2.
  Florida Governor's Task Force on Domestic and Sexual Violence, Florida Mortality Review Project, 1997, p.51, table 28.

DATING VIOLENCE

Violence against intimates may occur even though the victim does not live with her abuser.

• violence against women occurs in 20% of dating couples.
  American Psychl. Ass'n, Violence and the Family: Report of the American Psychological Association Presidential Task Force on Violence and the Family (1996), p. 10.
• an average of 28% of high school and college students experience dating violence at some point.
  Brustin, S., Legal Response to Teen Dating Violence, Family Law Quarterly, vol. 29, no. 2, 331 (Summer 1995) (citing Levy, In Love & In Danger: a teen's guide to breaking free of an abusive relationship, 1993).
• 26% of pregnant teens reported being physically abused by their boyfriends. about half of them said the battering began or intensified after he learned of her pregnancy.
  Brustin, S., Legal Response to Teen Dating Violence, Family Law Quarterly, vol. 29, no. 2, 333-334 (Summer 1995) (citing Worcester, A More Hidden Crime: Adolescent Battered Women, The Network News, July/Aug., national Women's Health Network 1993).
• victims of dating violence report the abuse takes many forms: insults, humiliation, monitoring the victim's movements, isolation of the victim from family and friends, suicide threats, threats to harm family or property, and physical or sexual abuse. their abusers also blamed them for the abuse, or used jealousy as an excuse.
  Brustin, S., Legal Response to Teen Dating Violence, Family Law Quarterly, vol. 29, no. 2, 336 (Summer 1995) (citing Gamache, Domination and Control: The Social Context of Dating Violence, in Dating Violence, Young Women in Danger, Levy, ed. 1991).
• 25 - 33% of adolescent abusers reported that their violence served to "intimidate," frighten," or "force the other person to give me something."
  Brustin, S., Legal Response to Teen Dating Violence, Family Law Quarterly, vol. 29, no. 2, 335 (Summer 1995).

SELF-DEFENSE

Many battered women attempt to physically defend themselves from abuse.

• marital homicide differs significantly by gender: a large proportion of the killings by women are acts of self-defense, while almost none of the killings by men are acts of self-defense.
  Florida Governor's Task Force on Domestic and Sexual Violence, Florida Mortality Review Project: Executive Summary, 1997.
• defensive action by battered women to protect themselves or their children is often interpreted by law enforcement as an act of domestic violence. the number of battered women arrested for committing acts of violence against their partners has disproportionately increased in communities that overuse "dual arrest."
  Promising Practices Initiatives Report on the Expert Panels on Domestic Violence, Sexual Assault and Stalking Technical Assistance Project, U.S. Department of Justice, 1997.

PHYSICAL INJURY AND MEDICAL TREATMENT

Victims of domestic violence often require medical care, although they may conceal the cause of their injuries.

• female victims of violence are 2.5 times more likely to be injured when the violence is committed by an intimate than when committed by a stranger.
  Bureau of Justice Statistics Special Report: Violence Against Women: Estimates from the Redesigned Survey (NCJ-154348), August 1995, p. 4.
• because domestic abuse is an ongoing cycle producing increasingly severe injuries over time, battered women are likely to see physicians frequently.
  Children's Safety Network, Domestic Violence: A Directory of Protocols for Health Care Providers (1992) p. (I).
• the rate of domestic violence detection by emergency room doctors is low.
  Abbott et al., Domestic Violence Against Women: Incidence and Prevalence in an Emergency Department Population, Journal of the American Medical Association, vol.273, no. 22, 1763, 1766 (June 1995).
• although battered women comprise 20 - 30% of ambulatory care patients, only 1 in 20 is correctly identified as such by medical practitioners.
  Hyman et al., Laws Mandating Reporting of Domestic Violence: Do They Promote Patient Well-Being?, Journal of the American Medical Association, vol. 273, no. 22, 1781 (June 1995).
• one study found that less than 3% of women visiting emergency rooms disclosed or were asked about domestic violence by a nurse or physician.
  Abbott et al., Domestic Violence Against Women: Incidence and Prevalence in an Emergency Department Population, Journal of the American Medical Association, vol. 273, no. 22, 1763, 1765 (June 1995).
• the use of emergency room protocols for identifying and treating victims of domestic violence has been found to increase the identification of victims by medical practitioners from 5.6% to 30%.
  Children's Safety Network, Domestic Violence: A Directory of Protocols for Health Care Providers (1992) p. (I).
• 17% of those who visit emergency rooms for treatment are documented as having come as a result of being injured by an intimate.
  Bureau of Justice Statistics: Violence-Related Injuries Treated in Hospital Emergency Departments (NCJ-156921), August 1997. p. 5.
• 37% of women injured by violence and treated in an emergency room were injured by an intimate; less than 5% of men injured by violence and treated in an emergency room were injured by an intimate.
  Bureau of Justice Statistics: Violence-Related Injuries Treated in Hospital Emergency Departments (NCJ-156921), August 1997. p. 5.
• 243,000 people receiving emergency room treatment for violence-related injuries in 1994 had been injured by an intimate. female victims outnumbered males 9 to 1.
  Bureau of Justice Statistics: Violence-Related Injuries Treated in Hospital Emergency Departments (NCJ-156921), August 1997. p. 5.
• "acute domestic violence" was the reason for 1 out of 9 patients emergency room visit among women with a current partner.
  Abbott et al., Domestic Violence Against Women: Incidence and Prevalence in an Emergency Department Population, Journal of the American Medical Association, vol. 273, no. 22, 1763, 1765 (June 1995).
• one study of women visiting emergency rooms for treatment found that 54% had been threatened or injured by an intimate partner at some time in their lives, and 24% reported having been injured by their current partner in the past.
  Abbott et al., Domestic Violence Against Women: Incidence and Prevalence in an Emergency Department Population, Journal of the American Medical Association, vol. 273, no. 22, 1763, 1765 (June 1995).

LAW ENFORCEMENT

Intervention of the police and the court system can be improved in domestic violence cases.

• every state allows its police to arrest perpetrators of misdemeanor domestic violence incidents upon probable cause, and more than half of the states and the district of columbia havelaws requiring police to arrest on probable cause for at least some domestic violence crimes.
  Zorza, Mandatory Arrest for Domestic Violence: Why it may prove the best first step in curbing repeat abuse, Criminal Justice, vol. 10, no. 3, p. 66 (Fall 1995).
• only about one-seventh of all domestic assaults come to the attention of the police.
  Florida Governor's Task Force on Domestic and Sexual Violence, Florida Mortality Review Project, 1997, p. 3.
• female victims of domestic violence are 6 times less likely to report crime to law enforcement as female victims of stranger violence.
  American Psychl. Ass'n, Violence and the Family: Report of the American Psychological Association Presidential Task Force on Violence and the Family (1996), p. 10.
• when an injury was inflicted upon a woman by her intimate partner, she reported the violence to the police only 55% of the time. she was even less likely to report violence when she did not sustain injury.
  Bureau of Justice Statistics Special Report: Violence Against Women: Estimates from the Redesigned Survey (NCJ-154348), August 1995, p. 5.
• some studies indicate that arresting a batterer increases recidivism, while some studies indicate that arrest serves as a deterrent for future domestic violence.
  Buzawa & Buzawa ed., Do Arrests and Restraining Orders Work? p. 46 (1996).
• arresting a batterer may reduce violence in the short term, but may increase violence in the long term.
  Buzawa & Buzawa ed., Do Arrests and Restraining Orders Work? p. 43, 49 (1996).
• the varying effect of arrest on abusers may be related to the amount the batterer has to lose from facing the social consequences of arrest. the single most consistent result of studies of the effect of arrest on batterers is that unemployed suspects become more violent after an arrest, and employed suspects do not.
  Buzawa & Buzawa ed., Do Arrests and Restraining Orders Work? pp. 48-49 (1996).
• even if arrest may not deter unemployed abusers, arrest still deters the vast majority of abusers.
  Zorza, The Criminal Law of Misdemeanor Domestic Violence, 1970-1990. The Journal of Criminal Law & Criminology (Northwestern School of Law), vol. 83, no. 1, p. 66 (1992).
• possession of a gun by anyone subject to a protection order is prohibited by federal law.
  The Violent Crime Control and Law Enforcement Act of 1994, 18 U.S.C. 922(g)(8).
• purchase or ownership of a gun by anyone convicted of a misdemeanor domestic violence offense is prohibited by federal law.
  Domestic Violence Offenders Gun Ban (1996), 18 U.S.C. 922(g)(9).

PROTECTION ORDERS

Protection orders decrease, but do not eliminate, the risk of continuing abuse or homicide.

• a protection order issued by one U.S. state or indian tribe is valid and enforceable in any other U.S. state or Indian tribe.
  Violence Against Women Act of 1994, 18 U.S.C. 2265.
• in cases of marital or dating violence, which accounted for 82% of all protection order cases, 90% of defendants were male.
  Adams & Powell, Tragedies of Domestic Violence: A qualitative analysis of civil restraining orders in Massachusetts, Office of the Commissioner of Probation, Massachusetts Trial Court, p. 9 (1995).
• 35% of women with temporary protection orders did not return for a protection order because respondent stopped battering her; 17% because service of process was not achieved.
  CPOs: the Benefits and Limitations for Victims of Domestic Violence, National Center for State Courts Research Report, 1997.
• more than 17% of domestic homicide victims had a protection order against the perpetrator at the time of the killing.
  Florida Governor's Task Force on Domestic and Sexual Violence, Florida Mortality Review Project, 1997, p.46, table 15.
• although the majority of batterers do not have criminal records, the majority of batterers brought to court by their victims for a protection order had criminal records.
  Buzawa & Buzawa ed., Do Arrests and Restraining Orders Work? p. 10 (1996).
• protection order defendants who had prior criminal histories were more likely to violate the order than those who did not.
  Adams & Powell, Tragedies of Domestic Violence: A Qualitative Analysis of Civil Restraining Orders in Massachusetts, Office of the Commissioner of Probation, Massachusetts Trial Court, p. 17 (1995).
• in one study, nearly half of the victims who obtained a protection order were re-abused within two years.
  Buzawa & Buzawa ed., Do Arrests and Restraining Orders Work? p. 10 (1996).
• the majority of women who seek temporary protection orders have complaints of serious abuse: physical assaults, threats to kill or harm her, or attempts or threats to take the children.
  Buzawa & Buzawa ed., Do Arrests and Restraining Orders Work? p. 216 (1996).
• in one study of women seeking temporary protection orders, 56% has sustained physical injuries.
  Buzawa & Buzawa ed., Do Arrests and Restraining Orders Work? p. 216 (1996).
• 60% of women in one study reported acts of abuse after the entry of a protection order, and 30% reported acts of severe violence.
  Buzawa & Buzawa ed., Do Arrests and Restraining Orders Work? p. 223 (1996).
• entry of a protection order did not appear to deter most types of abuse, but it did significantly reduce the likelihood of acts of psychological abuse such as preventing the victim from leaving her home, going to work, using a car or telephone, and stalking and harassing behaviors.
  Buzawa & Buzawa ed., Do Arrests and Restraining Orders Work? p. 228-229 (1996).
• one study showed 80% of women with temporary protection order said the order was somewhat or very helpful in sending the batterer a message that his actions were wrong. less than 50% of the women thought that the batterer believed he had to obey the order.
  Buzawa & Buzawa ed., Do Arrests and Restraining Orders Work? p. 218 (1996).
• most violations of protection orders leading to an arrest occurred within 90 days of the entry of the order.
  Buzawa & Buzawa ed., Do Arrests and Restraining Orders Work? p. 200 (1996).
• 60% of those obtaining protection orders in one study reported violations within one year.
  Buzawa & Buzawa ed., Do Arrests and Restraining Orders Work? p. 240 (1996).
• calls to police due to violations of protection orders were high, but the arrests were rare.
  Buzawa & Buzawa ed., Do Arrests and Restraining Orders Work? p. 239 (1996).
• 17% of protection orders defendants in a 1995 study were arraigned for a violation of the order within one year.
  Adams & Powell, Tragedies of Domestic Violence: A Qualitative Analysis of Civil Restraining Orders in Massachusetts, Office of the Commissioner of Probation, Massachusetts Trial Court, p. 15 (1995).<
• 6% of protection order defendants were convicted of violating the order.
  Adams & Powell, Tragedies of Domestic Violence: A Qualitative Analysis of Civil Restraining Orders in Massachusetts, Office of the Commissioner of Probation, Massachusetts Trial Court, p. 17 (1995).

STALKING

Batterers may attempt to frighten or control their victims through stalking.

• some advocates believe up to 80% of stalking cases occur within intimate relationships.
  Domestic Violence, Stalking and Anti-Stalking Legislation, an Annual Report to Congress under the Violence Against Women Act, National Institute of Justice Research, April 1996, p. 3.
• if stalking occurs within an intimate relationship, it typically begins after the woman attempts to leave the relationship.
  Domestic Violence, Stalking and Anti-Stalking Legislation, an Annual Report to Congress under the Violence Against Women Act, National Institute of Justice Research, April 1996, p. 1.

SEPARATION VIOLENCE

When a woman leaves her batterer, her risk of serious violence or death increases dramatically.

• separated/divorced women are 14 times more likely than married women to report having been a victim of violence by their spouse or ex-spouse.
  Bureau of Justice Statistics: Female Victims of Violent Crime, 1991.
• women separated from their husbands were 3 times more likely to be victimized by spouses than divorced women, and 25 times more likely to be victimized by spouses than married women.
  Bureau of Justice Statistics Special Report: Violence Against Women: Estimates from the Redesigned Survey (NCJ-154348), August 1995, p. 4.
• 65% of intimate homicide victims physically separated from the perpetrator prior to their death.
  Florida Governor's Task Force on Domestic and Sexual Violence, Florida Mortality Review Project, 1997, p.47, table 17.

HOMICIDE

Domestic homicide is often the culmination of an escalating history of abuse.

• female homicide victims are more than twice as likely to have been killed by an intimate partner than are male homicide victims.
  Bureau of Justice Statistics: Female Victims of Violent Crime, December, 1996.
• 88% of victims domestic violence fatalities had a documented history of physical abuse.
  Florida Governor's Task Force on Domestic and Sexual Violence, Florida Mortality Review Project, 1997, pp.46-48, tables 14-21.
• 44% of victims of intimate homicides had prior threats by the killer to kill victim or self. 30% had prior police calls to the residence. 17% had a protection order.
  Florida Governor's Task Force on Domestic and Sexual Violence, Florida Mortality Review Project, 1997, pp.46-48, tables 14-21.
• for homicides in which the victim-killer relationship was known, 31% of female victims were killed by an intimate. 4% of male victims were killed by an intimate.
  Bureau of Justice Statistics Special Report: Sex Differences in Violent Victimization, 1994 (NCJ-164508), September, 1997, p. 1.
• 70% of intimate-partner homicide victims are women.
  Bureau of Justice Statistics Selected Findings: Violence Between Intimates (NCJ-149259) November, 1994.
• a woman is the perpetrator in 19% of domestic homicides.
  Florida Governor's Task Force on Domestic and Sexual Violence, Florida Mortality Review Project, 1997, p.44, table 7.
• when a woman is the perpetrator of a domestic homicide, typically the abuser was killed during an assaultive incident in which the woman was the victim.
  Browne, When Battered Women Kill, pp. 135-137 (1987).
• in a 1967 study, 60% of husbands who were killed by their wives precipitated their own deaths by being the first to use physical force or threaten with a weapon.
  Browne, When Battered Women Kill, p. 10 (1987).
• homicides committed by victims during a battering incident were often committed with the abuser's own weapon.
  Browne, When Battered Women Kill, p. 140 (1987).
• a 1978 study found that almost all of the wives who had killed their husbands had previously been beaten by their husbands.
  Browne, When Battered Women Kill, p. 10 (1987).
• of women killed in 1992, their relationship to the killer was known in 69% of homicides. of this percent, 28% were killed by spouse, ex-spouse, boyfriend or ex-boyfriend.
  Bureau of Justice Statistics: National Crime Victimization Survey, 1995.
• of men killed in 1992, their relationship to the killer was known in 59% of homicides. of this percent, 3% were killed by spouse, ex-spouse, girlfriend or ex-girlfriend.
  Bureau of Justice Statistics: National Crime Victimization Survey, 1995.

MULTIPLE-VICTIM HOMICIDE

In some domestic homicides, the perpetrator kills more than one person.

• in 1994, 38% of domestic homicides were multiple-victim, usually combining a spouse homicide and suicide, or child homicide.
  Florida Governor's Task Force on Domestic and Sexual Violence, Florida Mortality Review Project, 1997, p.45, table 12.
• where there are multiple victims in a domestic homicide, 89% of perpetrators are male.
  Florida Governor's Task Force on Domestic and Sexual Violence, Florida Mortality Review Project, 1997, p.52, table 29.